Expanding the Flight Envelope: Innovative Aeronautical Technology Developed at Dryden Flight Research

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When he moved them in opposite directions, twisting the wings, it caused exactly the effect they expected: one wing dipped and the kite banked, and then the same thing happened on the other side. He and Orville modified the Chanute design by attaching a flat horizontal stabilizer to the front center posts. When Wilbur moved the sticks in unison, he guided the wings fore and aft in relationship to each other, which in turn directed the stabilizer up or down according to the movement of the posts to which it was attached.


The air flowing off of the stabilizers surface pitched the kite either up or down, as Wilbur wished. Then followed a series of full-scale piloted flying tests. They constructed their flier in the familiar box-kite configuration of the Chanute-Herring machine with about square feet of wing area, a seventeen-and-a-half-foot span, and a five-foot chord the dis- tance between the leading and the trailing edges of a wing at its widest point.

Unlike all of their famous predecessors, however, the Wrights, acting mostly on intuition, curved their wings not in a circular arc but rather with the top of the arch nearer the leading than the trailing edge, resulting in more predictable upwards and downwards motion in flight. For safety purposes, Wilbur and Orville also added a forward elevator, just in front of the lower wing; this surface helped maintain balance fore and aft and allowed instanta- neous control in case of stall and nosedive.

The brothers flew their kitelike prototype by tethering it to a tower and guiding it from the ground by wires. Once satisfied with this machine and familiar with its control mechanisms, they looked ahead to and to strapping themselves into the glider and testing it in free flight.

In preparation, they searched for a suitable landing strip one that was open and unobstructed, private enough to be secluded from curious onlookers, and freshened by steady breezes. While readying themselves for these experiments, Wilbur contacted Octave Chanute.

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The senior engineer welcomed the correspondence and soon realized that these young men pos- sessed a diligence and a seriousness most others lacked. Chanute offered financial assistance, but the brothers declined, desiring to be their own masters.

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Nevertheless, they gained greatly from his engineering experience, his encouragement, and his moral support. Unfortunately, the first encounter with Kitty Hawk in September and October proved less than rewarding. The men and their assis- tants were consumed by mosquitoes and dismayed by the isolation and the primitive housing. Perhaps still timid about their powers, the Wrights flew some piloted tethered flights but continued to operate their machine like a kite.

While its wing-warping qualities seemed borne out, weighing scales on the wires gave some disturb- ing news: their machine produced less lift and less drag than ex- pected. Confusion reigned on their return to Dayton. By May they decided to increase both the surface area and the camber of the wings to remedy the problem.

The changes resulted in the larg- est glider ever flown, with a span of twenty-two feet and a seven- foot chord. The two brothers returned to North Carolina in early July, determined equally to make their camp more permanent and to fly their machine successfully. After building a byfoot hangar also used for housing , they began the flight tests on July The first attempts revealed difficulties; despite sailing up to feet in nineteen seconds, they found control to be erratic and the distances disappointingly short. Wilbur narrowly avoided crashing after a near stall.

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Having considered every other possibility, they began to think that the lift and drag tables they relied on might be faulty, noting that their craft delivered only one-third of the lift predicted by Lilienthals calculations. With Octave Chanute in at- tendance for the first time, the brothers tried again in early August, coaxing feet from their flier only to see it crash land in a nosedive to the ground.

Discouraged, the Wrights went home. He invited Wilbur to speak to the prestigious Western Society of Engineers in Chicago, acted as his host, and took the opportunity to confer with him at length about Lilienthals airfoils. The Wrights decided to conduct their own laboratory tests using a homemade wind tunnel. Only sixteen inches square inside and just six feet long, it attained wind speeds of twenty-five to thirty-five miles per hour.

After two months of operation, the little instrument proved the inaccuracy of Lilienthals tables. Airfoil models suspended on balances suggested the optimal wing cambers for their own machines and also provided the where- withal to revise and correct the Germans published data. More- over, their wind tunnel experiments delivered important evidence about aspect ratio the proportion of wingspan to wing chord.

Armed with such knowledge, Wilbur and Orville again let their business go slack for a summer, spending August in Dayton con- structing a new glider and then traveling in September to Kitty Hawk, where they patched up their housing and finished the ma- chine. The brothers also added a vertical tailplane five feet by fourteen inches. Yet, it still looked like a much enlarged version of the Chanute-Herring glider. The experiments undertaken in summer and fall enjoyed smashing success after an initial period of puzzlement.

The first flights covered up to two hundred feet, allowing the pilots to learn the feel of the craft. But an accident and a related anomaly resulted in one last, crucial innovation. On September 23, Orville noticed one wingtip rising during a normal glide. He tried to correct, but the opposite wing raked the ground as the vehicle descended at least twenty-five, perhaps fifty feet. The pilot emerged from the wreckage unharmed, and research resumed after a few days of re- pair.

The glides became longer and the pilots grew increasingly adept at maneuvering the machine, but the dangerous problem of the rising wingtip persisted. Orville argued that the new tail structure caused the difficulty; as one wingtip rose and the other dipped, the rudders surface slowed the speed of the sinking side so much that it stalled. Wilbur arrived at a brilliant answer: connect the wing- warping system to a moveable rudder so that the airfoil and tail surfaces might be adjusted in tandem.

Once installed, this mecha- nism gave the Wright Glider a superiority over all other machines known at the time. By October 23, , flights as long as feet had been recorded. Writing to Chanute just before Christmas, Wilbur expressed the confidence of the two brothers. It is our intention next year, he declared, to build a machine much larger and about twice as heavy as our present machine.

Once again, the Wrights almost made such conun- drums seem simple. Therefore, they relied again on their own wits, reasoning that the propeller actually operated like a rotary airfoil, whose trailing and leading edges required analysis just like that of an aircraft wing. The speed at which the propeller turned allowed the camber to be fixed correctly for each part of this rotating wing. At the same time, their earlier hunch proved to be right; sufficiently powerful but light motors did exist for their purposes. However, they finally decided to design and build their own powerplantnot because none could be found, but simply to reduce costs.

It weighed pounds, delivered 16 horsepower from four cylinders, and was ready for installation in May Not only did the Ohioans overcome the vexing engine and propeller questions with relative ease, but the efficiency with which they re- solved them allowed the pair to concentrate on the other ingredi- ents essential for safe flight: achieving plenty of lift, attaining good control, and lowering air resistance. The Wrights departed for North Carolina on September 23, They brought the glider along for practice while the new flying machine was constructed in the hangar at Kitty Hawk.

By late October, the airplane required only minor work.


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Nonethe- less, some frustrating difficulties presented themselves. The propel- ler shaft required repeated attention. The weather deteriorated rapidly. The first launch on December 14 had to be aborted, as the plane stalled just after leaving the specially made starting rail, send- ing Wilbur who attempted to climb too rapidly and the machine crashing to the ground. After repairs and delays in connection with the winds, at A. A Government Imperative During the first century of flight research, experimenters in Europe and America pursued a mythic desire to fly like birds on the wing.

But once Wilbur and Orville Wright accomplished this feat, aero- nautical inquiry lost much of its poetic quality. Once recognized, the Wrights deed assumed heroic propor- tions in the public mind.

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Scientists, engineers, experimenters, inventors, tinkerers, and even laypeople rushed to their benches to pursue aspects of this incredible phenomenon, which puzzled and thrilled them. Some wanted to decode the underlying scientific prin- ciples that explained the Wright Brothers achievement; others wanted to engineer entirely new machines; some raised questions about new structural materials; others sought improvements in spe- cific components like propellers, engines, and wires.

Among states- men, the Europeans first grasped the implications of the airplane to national well-being. In an age of intense nationalism, on a conti- nent where states lay in close proximity, every advanced govern- ment sought to guide and to nurture this powerful but unknown technology.

Their tradition of state-encouraged, -sponsored, and - organized laboratories and institutes differed widely from the indi- vidualistic model present in the United States. Thus, soon after Wilbur and Orville stunned and excited European audiences with aerial exhibitions in , all of the major European powers initi- ated some form of a national aeronautical laboratory.

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France rose first to the challenge, acting even before the Wright Brothers flying exhibitions. The Central Establishment for Mili- tary Aeronautics at Chalais-Meudon near Paris worked coopera- tively with Gustave Eiffel during the famous experiments conducted between and on the tower bearing his name. Eiffel also directed wind tunnel facilities at Champs-de-Mars and in Auteuil and affiliated himself after with the privately funded Aerotechnical Institute of the University of Paris at Saint Cyr, oper- ated by a director who reported to an advisory committee of scien- tists drawn from government, universities, and private entities.

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In Russia, nongovernmental agencies combined to open the Aerody- namic Institute of Koutchino, connected to the University of Mos- cow. In Germany, with state, industrial, and private assistance, the eminent professor of fluid mechanics Ludwig Prandtl opened the Aerodynamical Laboratory of the University of Gttingen in , specializing in theoretical aerodynamics.

Like the director of the French Aerotechnical Institute, Prandtl received advice from a board of prominent engineers and scientists. But the most coherent ap- proach to aeronautical research occurred in the United Kingdom. Organized to coordinate the air research of all government institutions, under Rayleighs leadership the committee attracted eminent scientists and engineers from the universities, learned so- cieties, and the civil service.

Unlike the Europeans, who acted quickly, the United States lost precious years in its aeronautical research program due to rivalries among federal agencies, wavering political support, and public indiffer- ence. Indeed, the year after the Wrights conquest at Kitty Hawk, the Smithsonian Board of Regents shuttered Samuel Langleys aero- dynamical laboratory after he lost his contest with the two broth- ers. Further short-sighted behavior resulted in the closure of Professor Albert F.

Zahms wind tunnel at Catholic University which he used to calculate airflow around dirigibles because of insuffi- cient funds. An initial effort to rectify the transatlantic imbalance occurred in April at the first annual banquet of the U. Aero- nautical Society, which announced plans to campaign for a national laboratory devoted to flight.

Not only President William Howard Taft, but such notables as the secretary of the Smithsonian Institu- tion, the chancellor of New York University, and the Secretary of the Navy accepted invitations to attend the societys gala and to lend their support to the call for a federal research institution. But all the hopes of the air enthusiasts vanished the day before the ban- quet when the Washington Star published a report that the new laboratory would be supervised by the Smithsonian and built on the grounds of the National Bureau of Standards.

The story aroused the ire of the Navy Department, whose admirals felt the Bureau of Construction and Repair represented the appropriate home for a federal aeronautical facility. When Navy Secretary George Meyer pressed this viewpoint on President Taft, the Army opened its own initiative for control of aerial research. Choosing prudence, Taft withdrew his endorsement of the Aeronautical Societys plans.

During , the presi- dent received a report on the subject drafted by the same figures who supported the Smithsonian proposal in The report envi- sioned an institution modeled on those of Europe: a national labo- ratory that folded the many existing research centers into one structure. Taft agreed to form a commission to investigate the prob- lem, but not before he received a humiliating third-place finish in the November presidential elections. Still, the nineteen-member panel actually drafted legislation bearing a striking similarity to the British Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, establishing a re- search center with federal funds and an oversight panel comprised of six representatives from government institutions and ten figures from private life.

But the commission stalled in its tracks when advocates of a laboratory under Smithsonian aegis again pressed forward and Congress refused to consider the proposed bill.